Syrian Refugees in Canada and Cosmopolitanism

Syrian Refugees in Canada and CosmopolitanismCosmopolitanism, Global Citizenship, and Syrian Refugees in CanadaIntroductionCanada, as a nation, pledged glob wholey to take in 25,000 Syrian refugees before February 2016 with this initiative creation ongoing ( political sympathies of Canada, 2017). This policy has left the nation divided on Canadas occasions and responsibilities within the globular community. sequence there has been lengthened media attention drawn to the United States of Americas recent problematic policies pertaining to immigration and security, the international community has been led to believe that Canada is a progressive and pass judgment nation. However, a study conducted in 2016 by the Angus Reid Institute and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation found that Canadians argonnt as accepting and glob solelyy informed as the Federal Governments rhetoric has led global citizens to believe. This study found that 79% of Canadians felt that priority should be given to Canadas own economic and practiceforce needs over the prioritization of people in crisis abroad (Proctor, 2016). Furthermore, 68% of Canadians believed that minorities should do more to fit in with mainstream Canadian/Ameri enkindle association (Proctor, 2016). As both of these polls reveal strong guinea pigistic ways of sentiment, the world(a)ism and global citizenship of Canadian citizens may be debated. As cosmopolitanism is the ideology of all human race-beings being a part of a global community, having a shared set of goods, rights, and mutual responsibilities such(prenominal) poll results encourage the exploration of the varying challenges and limitations of globalization. With the global community and global events continuing to become more interlinked collect to market deregulation, climactic events, security instability, and transportation technologies an increased emphasis needs to be set on the duality of cosmopolitanism with individuals being encourage d to situate themselves within a global compass. It is by dint of with(predicate) elaborating on this ideology that the contrast mingled with centripetal geopolitical forces towards and the opposing centrifugal forces that put on deeply divided geography and history may be challenged.Cosmopolitanism, Globalization, and Global CitizenshipThe ideology ofcosmopolitanism has unremittingly evolved throughout time, being debated as tothe nature of its affiliation with globalization, themeism, privilege, andglobal citizenship. As it was first theorized in Ancient Greece,cosmopolitanism was viewed as a manner in which an individuals loyalty adjust nonsolely with the land or the relationships of kin and community, but with auniversal shared identity furthermore, adequate a citizen of the universe.This ideology of wizard belong to a global community, as opposed to anation-state has been discussed and debated across discordant chokes, with eachtheorist contributing to the auto biography of what cosmopolitanism is and how it issubsequently linked to nationalism. With cosmopolitanism and nationalismoccurring concurrently, the manner of scale in which each exist has beenexamined and evaluated. With global interactions becoming more and moreinterconnected due to neoliberal policy and shared markets, the relation mingled with individual, state, and identity has been increasingly discussed overthe past two decades.It is due to such recentinstitutional structures and change that scholar Pheng Cheah argues thatcosmopolitanism is dependent and sustained by the state or institution. AsCheah views current institutions to earn a global reach in their regulatoryfunction, she further theorizes that power is embedded within regulation andthat political soul or solidarity is dependent state functions, ofwhich can be further influenced by the individual. Her writing further buildsupon the theories of Immanuel Kant who initially viewed cosmopolitanism ashaving four cent ral modalities. These pillars of cosmopolitanism include (1)a world federation as the legal and political institutional basis forcosmopolitanism as a form of right (2) the historical basis of cosmopolitanism in worldtrade (3) the idea of a global public sphere and (4) the importance ofcosmopolitan culture in instilling a sense of belonging to humanity.However, while several of Kants theoretical foundations are still applicabletoday, the majority of his course does not yield answer for current globalcircumstances. delinquent to his work originating in the 18th century, his ideologieswere unable to reflect upon the current globalized state of cosmopolitanism. AsKant believed that state had a fundamental role in the moral-cultural educationof its citizens, his work did not take into account the individual agency andthe violence imposed on various groups- further narrowing the notion of globalcitizenship.Such ideologies ofcosmopolitanism being dependent on the state are further conte sted in the worksof fellow cosmopolitan theorist Keely Badger. As her work in solvent to Kanthighlights the ethnic, religious and racial conflicts that continue to degrade lifequality, human rights and freedom she highlights that cosmopolitanism isbased on an individuals education and their feelings of obligation to mankind,free of orthogonal presidency or temporal power. Contrary to the formalizedstructures presented by Cheah, Badger views cosmopolitanism as being dependenton conversations across boundaries of identity including national, religiousor other further allowing for an evolving cosmopolitan worldview. Furthermore,Badger emphasizes human plurality of being of the highest value, as well as,through discrediting state violence. Her work continues to further callcosmopolitanism to be centered upon a need for the toleration of the beliefs ofothers and what one may fail to understand. This notion of individual agency isalso agreed upon and apportioned in Cheahs work, as s he addressescosmopolitanism in respect to the relation between cosmopolitanism andnationalism. Due to Cheah highlighting a distinction between the normativity ofmorality and that of cosmopolitan right, she argues that cosmopolitanism is notidentical to moral freedom but is merely an institutional vehicle for itsactualization. era this indicates that cosmopolitanism is not necessarilyopposed to nationalism, her writing shows that solidarity associated withcosmopolitanism is not affiliated with national character. Therefore, her viewof cosmopolitanism is not opposed to nationalism but to absolute statism. Whileboth articles present the limitations to nationalism and the authorization violencethat has resulted from nation-state tendencies, Cheah and Badger call for therole of non- political relation organizations (NGOs) to fill a leadership role in ouragglomerated world. Both authors theorize that such organizations have a roleto administer foreign cooperation, economic development, internationallaw, and human rights. However, the authors discuss potential limitations ofsuch organizations, of which can be exemplified in Badgers critique of theUnited Nations and how the organization walks a fine line between exercisingits governance power and working within the confines of conflictingsovereignties. While the work of Cheah does not mention grass-rootsinitiatives, Badgers article goes on to call for the need of grass-roots NGOsto combat the rampant neoliberal capitalism that has propagated globally sincethe 1990s. However, she further theorizes that this manner of overcomingneoliberalism can only be sustained through continual awarenesstranscending and overcoming the constraining rhetoric presented bynationalism/statism driven by corporations, as well as nation states. Therefore,it is suggested that cosmopolitanism is distanced from the state andnationalistic identification, as cosmopolitanism from under via normative andpolitically oriented forms of social act ion are determined to be more powerfulin cultivating a shared cosmopolitan consciousness. Nevertheless, this demarcationis challenged within limitations of Cheahs writing as she questions who isprivileged as being cosmopolitan and how are transnational underclasses ormarginalized groups limited from participating in such ideologies and whatconstitutes as legitimate solidarity. As the works go onto later agree thatsocial and political movements are needed to challenge nationalistic thinkingthrough the use of non-violent institutional groundings and uprising in attemptto disrupt political loyalties, allegiances, and group identities. Suchanarchic ideologies of social disruption are later discussed in the work ofBadger, as she highlights the potential usage of social media and the Internetfor physical mobilization of cosmopolitan resistance, as well as, facilitatinguprisings from below. Such examples in the writing include anti-sweatshopcampaigns, democratic revolutions, and pauseing conscience of the globalcommunity. As both Cheah and Badger discuss the anarchistic nature ofcosmopolitanism, this ideology is further built upon in the work of Graham Maddox.As he initially highlights cosmopolitanisms love for mankind and the rejectionof state imposed thinking- his writing contrasts the work of the otherauthors, stating that the average cosmopolitan is a pacifist at heart. Hiswork goes on to challenge the previous writing of Cheah and Badger,highlighting that while the global population has become more interconnected dueto globalization- this may have resulted in the rise of nationalistic ideologiesand xenophobia. His writing goes on to exemplify this concept by highlightingthe prominence of global terrorism and the advert this has had on minoritypopulations in Australia. As global consciousness has the potential to makepeople nervous and resentful, there may be a shift from cosmopolitan thinkingoften resulting in increased xenophobia with vulnerable groups becom ing scapegoats for the public to inflict violence upon.Similar to the work of Cheah, he addresses the role of capitalism andneoliberalism in relation the power struggle with corporate or nationalisticpower often prevailing, resulting in the will of the people receding addressing the masculine nature of Western dominant thought and hegemony. WhileMaddoxs work address cosmopolitanism in Australia, a nation that has followeda similar colonial narrative as Canada his work has tied in closely to fellowtheorist, Jean-Francois Caron. While the work of Caron agrees with the othertheorists that cosmopolitanism can be seen as a superior to national patriotismin regards to the inclusion, she highlights that this idealistic moral postureof cosmopolitanism has no chance of replacing national identities. As shehighlights that while national identities are not soundless and remain intangiblethroughout time, it is through national narratives and collective mentalitiesthat circumstances are challe nged and limits are reinterpreted. Similar to thework of Maddox her work highlights Canadas cosmopolitan worldview in relationto the nations colonial history, adding that it was a distrust of Americanculture and a sense of moral superiority that led to Canadas nationalrhetoric being reinforced. While she highlights the nations identity as beinginherently anti-American, she also gives praise to Canadas sense ofmulticulturalism stating it as a success story, contrary to other countrieswhere such diversity often results in violence. This is later exemplified asshe goes on further proclaim that immigrants coming to Canada are welcomed tosociety and that inter-racial marriage serves as a benchmark for Canadasopenness. However, her thoughts in relation to Canadas rooted cosmopolitannature can be challenged due to this work being problematic, failing to accountfor the complexities of multiculturalism, the experiences of minorityindividuals, and the continued need for Canada to be more glo ballyconsciousness and welcoming of foreigners. The shortcomings and complexitiespresented within the work of the four cosmopolitan theorists can be furtherexemplified and expanded upon through an evaluation of Canadians societysworldviews and realities in relation to the intake of Syrian refugees. AsCanada is proclaimed to be one of the most multicultural and globally consciousnations in the world, it is necessary for Canadians to reflect inward toquestion how we situate ourselves globally, as well as to critically examinethe refugeeswelcome initiative. Syrian Refugees in CanadaThe United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates that 960,000 refugees are currently in need of locatement in a third country (Martin, 2016). These are refugees who, according to the UNHCR, can neither return to their country of origin nor integrate into their country of first asylum (Martin, 2016). Together, the international community has committed to resettle well-nigh 80,000 refugees each year with Canada resettling approximately 10% of this rack up (Government of Canada, 2017). The Canadian judicatures current goal is to resettle between 8% and 12% of all refugees (Government of Canada, 2017). Several factors contributed to the Canadian publics initial response to the Syrian refugee crisis, including public outcry for patronise following the death of Ayan Kurdi, a Syrian kid who drown while travelling by boat from Turkey to Greece a child of a family that had been refused relocation to Canada and, the 2015 national election serving as a platform for all prime ministerial candidates to debate the ideology ofaccepting refugees openly. Similar to the ideologies relating to media and the Internet presented in the article of Badger, this serves as an example of how cosmopolitan media has resulted in public conscientiousness and outcry. However, this also exemplifies the limitations of global citizenship presented by Maddox and Cheah as to how migration has bec ome a political issue with bureaucrats, policy makers, and citizens (in a limited manner) determining who can and cant be a citizen of a country or the world. At this time, Canadian citizens also wanted the federal government to match the rhetoric of Canadian identity as compassionate, openly engaged in the international community and open to newcomers. The newlyelected governments inscription to resettle Syrians was primarily driven by themomentum of the election, and later by the need to demonstrate the newgovernments capacity to swiftly implement promises. It is through this shiftin political being that Cheahs theory of the state being made up of thecitizens may be illustrated due to the majority of Canadian voters presentingmore liberal or globally conscious values. The Canadian government furthercommitted to resettling more than 25,000 Syrian refugees specifically betweenNovember, 2015 and February, 2016 with commitments extending into 2017 (Governmentof Canada, 2017). To date , a total of 40,081 Syrian refugees have resettledacross 350 Canadian communities since the initiative was first introduced in2015 (Government of Canada, 2017). Of these Syrian refugees 21,876 areGovernment Assisted, meaning that the government will return the refugee (andtheir family, if applicable) with accommodation, clothing, food, assistancefinding employment, and other resettlement assistance for one year or untilthey are able to support themselves (Government of Canada, 2017). A further3,931Syrian refugees were resettled as Blended Visa-Referred Refugees, beingselected by the UNHCR with further support being provided by the federalgovernment and private sponsors (Government of Canada, 2017). The remaining14,274 Syrian refugees are privately sponsored (Government of Canada, 2017). While thenumber of privately sponsored refugees has increased over recent years theCanadian government has decreased the number of Syrian refugees that areprivately sponsored, further limiting the n umber of refugees allowed toresettle in the country. It is through this permissive nature of allocating thenumber of citizens Canada allows within its borders, that the notion ofcosmopolitanism is challenged by nationalism. As the world is theorized to beinteracting on a global scale, the use of borders, immigration, and politicaldiscourse pertaining to the acceptance or bigotry towards Syrian refugeesremains problematic. This connects with both Badger and Cheahs theories asthis highlights the role government plays in regulating global citizenship andmovement. Through disallowing privately sponsored refugees into the country,this top-down approach challenges the bottom-up outcry and mobilization toincrease the number of refugees coming into the country. While the governmentpresents the refugeeswelcome rhetoric, through limiting the number of totalrefugees permitted into the country this representation of welcoming may bechallenged in a cosmopolitan context. With matching and arrival multiplication between the initial phase of the program from November 2015 to February2016 being quick, an unrealistic expectation for private individuals or groupswaiting to be matched with a new coming refugee family has resulted (Marwah, 2016). straightway that the target of 25,000 Syrian Refugees has been met, the process hassignificantly slowed down, leaving various parties on a waiting list to providesponsorship (Marwah, 2016). Other groups that were matched in thisprocess have still been waiting for refugees to arrive, with w shunver groups beingstuck with empty rented apartments, have wasted resources, and are strugglingwith the sponsorship morale (Marwah, 2016). Additionally, further challengesexist keeping sponsors engaged and motivate as they may not be matched untilthe end of the year (Marwah, 2016).This can be associated with thearticle of Karen Badger as her theology highlights the need for individualconsciousness and a conscious civil society. Through citizens being disallowedfrom sponsoring a refugee, this may potentially discourage sponsorship andresult in a reduction of cosmopolitan thinking further encouraging the pacifisttheorized by Graham Maddox. While there is a need for the Canadian Governmentto articulate the complexities and the timing of a resettlement initiative ofthis scale, this process of refugee intake needs to be re-evaluated. Withcomplex decision-making and political structures being overseen increasedcommunication among partnering agencies, as well as, further patience andcommitment to support refugees is needed.There is also a need forCanadian society to reflect upon the nature of which the country acceptsrefugees. While there is a stark lossbetween the services and preconception of Syrian and non-Syrianrefugees, there is a need for increased attention as to the dualistic nature ofthe acceptance of refugees. Primarily this deviance can be seen as Syrianrefugees who arrived after the Liberal government came to power do n ot incontrast to refugees of other nationalities and previous Syrian refugees haveto repay the governments travel loan which enabled their journey to Canada(McMurdo, 2016). While the theory of Caron highlights a multicultural nation,full of welcoming and accepting individuals (as opposed to the USA), this doesnot accredit the challenges refugees may face upon re-settling. This may berelated to this two-tiered system of refugee intake, as the nation being cosmopolitanwas quick to respond to the Syrian crisis yet was not globally conscious asto the needs and backgrounds of past refugees.Furthermore, while non-Syrianrefugees have arrived with debt and hundreds of cases to slowly make their waythrough the resettlement process, some Syrian refugees have been expedited andarrived in Canada with special treatment, loan free (Marwah, 2016). By putting forward ahelpful and empathetic view towards the Syrian population, the government haseffectively created two classes of refugees, disregar ding fairness andequality towards all marginalized refugee groups. Others, including the privatesector and social services have followed suit in offering various benefits tonewly arriving Syrians to Canada. Yet, this welcome has the effect of makinginvisible any other refugees (Marwah, 2016). With the recent terrorattacks throughout the world, and the resulting rhetoric of islamophobia, theinitiative to resettle Syrians to Canada has become an increasingly debatedtopic among Canadians. Similar to the work of Maddox, this notion ofuncertainty, fear, and xenophobia have been present in Canada in regards to theintake of refugees. Due to security in the resettlement processing has becominga point of public contention, the Liberal government has shared and updatedregular information/data to ease the fears of Canadian citizens.However,this has not limited the number of hate crimes and racist violence imposed onminority groups (refugee or not). As the nation fears uncertainty, and has bee nnegatively influenced by media portraying terroristic events abroad, the wayCanada situates itself within the global setting could become more consciousand aware of the limitation of such thinking. Also, disappointingly,settlement services in Canada have not yet received the same support from thegovernment as was offered in physically resettling the refugees to Canada (McMurdo, 2016). With a huge and rapid influx of refugees, settlementservices have been stretched beyond capacity, without sufficient resources toadequately address the refugees needs, or the time to invest in additionalfundraising (McMurdo, 2016). As aresult of the scale of arrivals, enrolling the refugees in language classesand/or schools and allocating housing, along with other rudimentaryservices has proven challenging (McMurdo, 2016). Certain refugees have beenstaying in temporary accommodation for weeks longer than usual (McMurdo, 2016).Theprivate sector and civil society have played an active role in respondin g to the needs of the thousands ofSyrian arrivals and to fill this gap (McMurdo, 2016). Further training isneeded for professionals to support this specific group of people and theirvaried needs, particularly government-assisted refugees, who have greater needsand vulnerabilities (McMurdo, 2016). Therefore, like the works of the theoristsdiscussed in the earlier half of the paper, there is a need for civilconsciousness and the support of non-government organizations and communitygroups to implement the services government falls short of providing. Throughthis anarchistic nature of cosmopolitanism and overall shared responsibility ofour fellow countrymen (and women) or global neighbours, the limitations ofnationalism and neoliberal globalization can be continually contested andreframed. By allowing individuals to takeownership of their behaviours on a domestic and international scale, thecosmopolitan revolution may continue to occur, further limiting thenationalistic fear and xenopho bia shift the globe may current be seeing. ConclusionAs the global populationcontinues to be more interlinked, the theology of cosmopolitanism will continueto change and be reframed through future years. While it may seem that the globalcitizen is being challenged the most in recent years due to shifts towardsnationalistic thinking and hate crimes increasing, the potential for globallyconscious, aware citizens needs to be promoted. While this may be best done ata grass-roots, individualistic level the potential for positive change mayresult. With the rhetoric surrounding Canadians and Syrian refugees might not beingas accepting as the government wants the nation to perceive it to be,increased education and interaction between Canadians and our newest refugee citizens(Syrian or not) yields the potential to break down the barriers of nationalism,further preventing us from seeing the benefit of diversity and acceptance. BibliographyBadger, K. (2015). Cosmopolitanism and Globalization A Project of Collectivity.Caron, J.-F. (2012). Rooted Cosmopolitanism in Canada and Quebec. NationalIdentities, 14(4), 351366. http//doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2011.616954Cheah, P. (2006). Cosmopolitanism. Theory,culture & society, 23(2-3), 486-496.Government of Canada. (2017). WelcomeRefugees Key Figures. Retrievedfrom http//www.cic.gc.ca/english/refugees/welcome/milestones.aspMaddox, G. (2015). Cosmopolitanism. Social Alternatives, 34(1),3.Martin, S. F. (2016). 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